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A medical doctor, Dr. William Michael who turned to a professional internet hacker has revealed that he had the capacity to hack into any bank in Nigeria and withdraw N1bn within 67 minutes.
It was reported that the Imo State-born Michael whose mother is from Delta State also revealed that all the banks in Nigeria do not have enough security as none of them had what he described as firewalls to prevent access to their accounts through the internet.
He said it was very easy to have access into both the banks and their customers accounts and defraud them.
“It is so easy to hack into any bank account, pick alerts and send to customers from the bank data that look real but are fake” he said.
Dr. Michael said that he became a professional hacker when he became frustrated and he travelled to Canada, where he was taught how to do it within two weeks from his Israeli friend and became a master.
He said any hacker in the world is a bank to himself because such person can buy anything he wants through his credit card, send fake alerts and will not need to have any account in any bank. He further revealed that there were many applications which can be used and when a hacker mastered them, that money will no longer be a problem to such person.
Dr. Michael confessed that he had hacked into many accounts, withdrawn millions of Naira and had the system that sent fake credit alerts to accounts without the banks detecting it.
He therefore advised the banks in Nigeria to work and improve their security systems as what they have presently were really porous and substandard in the world.
The hacker said that he was a qualified medical doctor and had worked in Eko and Tolu Hospitals before he travelled abroad.
He said he had carried out wide research works on how to perform C/S operations with ease and presented the results to the hospital management.
Dr. Michael said that the management sacked him, stole his ideas and started applying them on their patients, so he left and travelled abroad.
He was arrested by the Lagos State Police Command for allegedly defrauding a car dealer, Abiogun Adewale, of N28m. He was said to have paid the sum for a Porsche car through a fake electronic transfer. The suspect, who was arrested in the Lekki area of Lagos, was paraded at the command headquarters, Ikeja, on Monday by the state Commissioner of Police, Edgal Imohimi. Imohimi said the police received a petition against the suspect, who he described as a “professional hacker.” He said, “My office received a complaint that there is a syndicate that buys exotic cars and configures a computer programme that sends a fake payment alert to the seller. “The seller, upon receiving this alert, verifies the alert either through ATM or through Internet banking and then releases the car to the syndicate. In this case, when the car dealer went to his bank for his statement of account, it was discovered that the alert and transfer of N28m to his account was only a fake electronic transfer; the money did not register in his account. The modus operandi of this suspect is very interesting because he seems to have a very good mastery of the cyber environment. He also creates a credit card through software known as cyber-ghost 12. When the credit card matures, it is then funded through a hacked Swiss account. Any transaction anybody is doing through this Swiss account, the suspect manipulates it and wires the fund into his contrived credit card. The interesting part of this report is that the hacker has the ability to shut down the CCTV system of any organisation here in Nigeria for a period of 67 minutes. That is a window period during which any crime can be committed.” Imohimi said the case was of importance to financial institutions, adding that Nigerian banks should employ certified hackers to secure their systems from hackers.
The suspect said he was eased out of the medical profession after he discovered a faster way of conducting Caesarean Section

The coup of January 15, 1966 caught me by surprise. The first thing that hit me was-here am I in the northernmost part of Nigeria surrounded completely by troops and I have not even tried to find out their allegiance. The telegram they informed me about the coup came to me at the parade ground.

The first thing was to try to get some sense from Lagos for about 14 hours I called numbers, but people were telling me nothing. I did not realize the suspicion everybody had in everybody. I suppose it was my persistence that got Ironsi [the late Supreme Commander of former Nigeria] to speak to me. He told me what actually happened. He said that the Cabinet [the disturbed civilian federal government] was meeting.

The federal government later handed over power to the army to stabilize the situation. I found this extremely confusing. Nobody knew where any other person in the Army was.
 After Ironsi’s first broadcast, I immediately spoke, I was the most senior officer in Northern Nigeria, to the North. Somebody else spoke to the West. Ejoor spoke to the East. The announcements had a snowball effect. They helped in restoring confidence and a sense of direction in the army. The country also became clear about the change.

 After that announcement I got on to Nzeogwu [one of the leaders of the coup], then in Kaduna, and said, “ You are now famous. You should now demonstrate to the world that you have no personal motive in the coup. Now that the G.O.C has called, all you have to do is to get back into line.” Before then there had been friction between Nzeogwu and myself because I maintained my independence.... The announcement affected him [Nzeogwu].

This is how I got involved in the government. Nzeogwu found it difficult to except my advice, though he realized it was already a fait accompli. I continued to talk..... I wanted him to fall in line, and quite suddenly he said to me, “If you say so I agree”. I told Ironsi that Nzeogwu had agreed. Later, I was ordered to Lagos and appointed [military governor] for the East, Fajuyi for the West, Ejoor for the Midwest, and Hasan Katsina for the North.
 Ironsi tried very hard to unify the country. Personally, I think he went too fast. Or rather, he delayed too long, and when he started he went to fast without explaining.

If the unification of the country had been done within the first week of the coup, perhaps the popular impact and the enthusiasm [generated by the January 15 coup] would have carried it through. Subsequent events, however, clearly indicated that the violent reaction of Northern Nigeria could have been only a delayed action on that the North could never have allowed any form of unity which sought to broaden the Northerners national outlook and turn them into Nigerians. When Ironsi moved, he was quite willing to give a blank degree unifying everything. I resisted that quite a bit.

Assets of the then Eastern region was seized. I maintained that we should get the constitutional proposals first agreed before the assets will put into the common pool. The North did not agree with me.
 I got myself more and more involved in the politics of the change – more involved because I think really I was perhaps better equipped than most of the military leaders to handle political issues owing to my background, education, and training in administration before joining the Army. So I really got quite involved. The Supreme Military Council tried a number of things to inspire confidence and strengthen the unity of the country, but actually there was much to do, and before the whole place could be stabilized the North struck on May 29, 1966.

 I still harbored hopes for unity, but I told Ironsi then that this was the last sacrifice the people of former Eastern Nigeria could be expected to make.
 In spite of this pogram, I still thought that the army had a chance to keep Nigeria together, and that chance was to try to get everybody looking upon the government as the government. All I asked of the Supreme Military Council was a Commission of Inquiry on the May massacre. I did not quite realize how far Northern Nigeria was prepared to go. If I knew, perhaps my suggestion would have been different. The council decided on the method of inquiry. But as soon as it was announced, the Northern emirs met and told us that the instructions from Lagos would only be carried out over their dead bodies.

My whole attitude then was to establish once and for all that there was a government. For this reason, we insisted and set August 2, 1966, for the beginning of the inquiry. In doing this, the council [the Supreme Military Council] wanted also to demonstrate that it was going to be fair- a British judge would be the chairman and there would be commissioners from Northern Nigeria. On July 29, 1966, they [the Northerners] struck again. This time they killed Ironsi.

After that, I knew that the end had come. The murder of 3,000 people, by any stretch of imagination, was terrible. 30,000 was the third massacre [September 29, 1966, pogrom], but there was nothing in the past to match the cruelty and sadism of the last massacre.

After the July 29, 1966, mutiny, I tried to get Lagos on the phone. All efforts failed. When eventually I got Lagos, nobody was willing to tell me what was happening. At last I got and spoke to the next most senior officer in Lagos [Brigadier Ogundipe]. I said to Brigadier Ogundipe: “What are you doing? Get the Army together; don’t let it disintegrate”. He said it was very difficult because he could not get the soldiers to obey him. But I told him to take a risk and shout at them; to get on the air and say something to the country. “

Tell them that you are the next most senior officer, you do not know where the Supreme Commander is, but you are trying to control the situation”. After a long time, he said “OK, I will do it”. When the statement was made over the air, it was a most supine statement. He said something like this: “Perhaps you do not know me, my name is Femi Ogundipe.

I am trying to do my best”, and that was the end! This only added to the confusion. Again I got on the phone to Brigadier Ogundipe, who said, “These people [Northern Nigerian soldiers] want to go [secede]; they say they cannot stop killing people unless we allow them to separate”. I advised that if that would stop the bloodshed, he should let them go. On another occasion after this I tried once again to contact him on the telephone-I waited for nearly half an hour without success-the man had fled.

Now what could I do? Luckily, both coups had not affected the then East. I thought of it, talked to Ejoor and even Katsina, but could not get any sense out of them. So I decided to phone Gowon. I rang him, but Mohammed [Colonel Mohammed] answered. He fetched Gowon, and as we were talking, it was quite clear a number of people [Northern Nigerian officers] were standing with them. Gowon could not answer any point unless he discussed it with the people standing around.

I got this conversation taped. He insisted he was going to announce that his boys would only be satisfied if he took over, and I told him that he could do so, but not the East. “ If you want, as Chief of Staff, and only as Chief of Staff in Lagos, I will cooperate with you to enable you to stabilize the situation so that Ogundipe or whoever is next in seniority to him can assume power. He replied that the other governors had agreed with him to take over. He told me that he was going to make a statement at 7 o’clock. I phoned Ejoor; he was not very coherent, and he said that all this slaughter must stop and that he left me to do what I could to help the situation.

Gowon announced himself the Supreme Commander, and immediately I decided with the few people available that if we once got under him we would not be able to get anything and all our people would be massacred under the legal cover of the assumed legitimacy of his rebellion. But if we stayed out and negotiated we could save our people. So I spoke out immediately that I did not recognize him as the head of the government. Later, I sent a team to Lagos to the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference. While the team was discussing our Constitution, we endured another massacre on September 29, 1966.
 Ever since, I have made suggestions to bring about a solution. But each time a suggestion was made it was rejected and more bitterness was generated.

 When we found ourselves at Aburi, Ghana, it was our last chance. Those decisions at Aburi could have saved the situation, but again Gowon was very badly advised. He was very badly advised, though he was carried along by the way we all talked. My last statement to the group was: “ I know what is worrying you. We cannot solve this problem by hitting each other across the face. If we keep the agreements made here, Jack, I would probably ask this body to appoint you the Supreme Commander”. This you can ask General Ankrah. Gowon left his seat, came over to me, and embraced me. It was then Ankrah that said “All right, let us shake hands”.  When we ended the meeting, and came out of the hall, Gowon and Ankrah and I sat in Ankrah’s car and there he took my hand and placed it on Gowon’s hand and said, “Both of you have got 56 million people to look after.

If you keep to these agreements you will achieve peace; if you don’t, then whatever comes is your fault. You have seen the way, it is up to you.
 As a gesture of peace, I made a short visit to the Midwest before coming back to the East. I must say this for Gowon: The first three days after our return to Nigeria he did all right. But on the fourth day, he mentioned there was one publication he wanted to publish: Crisis 66. I said, “Why publish it now? If you do so, my people would now want me to answer and the whole problem would begin all over again”.
I suggested, “collect them, keep them, if I misbehave then publish it”.

He agreed. The next day the publication was announced all over the world. I rang him and he explained it as a leak. I spent the whole day discussing with him how to punish the director of the Ministry of Information. That night, tuning the various radio stations, I discovered that the book was formally launched by ambassadors in London, Washington, and Ghana; it was not a leak!
 Then the various attempts to implement Aburi failed, the refusal to pay our money came, the economic blockade followed, and finally came the fragmentation of the country.
 It was under these circumstances that Biafra was born. When it was born I made a statement and said it was going to be hard time.

I thought possibly that Gowon would try after that to bring us together very quickly. Intelligence reports spoke about the massing of troops by Gowon on Biafra‘s borders. He declared war. There had been an opportunity to strike first, but I knew that no matter what our temporary advantage, eventually with the Nigerian resources they would be able to push us back. So it became very important to me that the world should know that I was not the aggressor. We fought well for six weeks; then we were at par. British help came to Nigeria, and then Russian. Attempts at subversion, and then the journey to the slaughterhouse resumed. This was a journey that started from the Northern most part of the country and then slowly came to this place. It is not power I wanted. I initially came to this post as a routine military duty.

Looking back at it, I do not think I had a choice. Each time I felt perhaps that I had a choice.
Could I, after the July 29 massacre, say to the people of the East “ I resign, I am going ?”

C. Odumegwu Ojukwu
Interview with Jim Wilde of Time magazine, Umuahia, August 16, 1968

South-South Governors have demanded 13percent derivation from the Federal Government on the $1billion to be withdrawn from the Excess Crude Account to fund Northern Security Matters. This was part of resolutions adopted recently during a meeting of the South South governors held in Port Harcourt.
In attendance at the meeting were: Bayelsa State Governor, Seriake Dickson, Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, Delta State Governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, Akwa Ibom State Governor, Udom Emmanuel and Deputy Governor of Edo State, Philip Shaibu.
Briefing journalists after the meeting, Chairman of the Forum and Bayelsa State Governor, Seriake Dickson stated that the governors resolved to officially communicate to the appropriate authorities for the constitutional provision of 13 percent derivation to be applied and respected.
Seriake said: "We took the collective view that with respect to the Federal Government's effort to withdraw $1billion for national security, our position in this zone is in line with the constitutional provision on derivation.
"While we have no objection to the Federal Government spending money on security, including security of this zone, we believe the constitutional provision on 13percent derivation be applied and fully respected.
"We will communicate that to the appropriate authorities so that whatever amount that is withdrawn from the Excess Crude Account, being proceed of crude oil sale is subject to the 13 percent principle enshrined in the constitution. "
The South-South Governors Forum also called for the withdrawal of the Executive Bill forwarded to the National Assembly, wherein the Federal Government seeks to control the management of waterways.
The South-South Governors declared: "We also agreed that the bill currently making rounds in the National Assembly which we understand is an Executive Bill on management of water resources is offensive and obnoxious.
"We disagree with the centralized control of water resources as we are already dealing with the problem associated with over centralization of our country and we have agreed that the bill should be immediately withdrawn by the Federal Government and further consultations be made on that."
The South-South Governors further declared their support for restructuring of the country and the devolution of powers to the states.
The governors stated: "Everyone is aware of the ongoing clamour for devolution and a return to essential founding principle of this great country. And we in our meeting resolved as we have been speaking over sometime that we associate fully with the clamour for restructuring, for the clamour for true federalism and for the clamour for devolution of powers that are so concentrated at the centre to the federating units and we have agreed to support ongoing moves in that direction by working with like-minded Nigerians who mean well for the country so that we can all have a stable and prosperous and peaceful nation."

Worried by the incessant killings by terrorists in Benue and other Middle Belt states as well as other parts of Nigeria, a group known as has declared Monday, May 28 as a national mourning and remembrance day in honour of thousands of people killed by Boko haram terrorists, Fulani jihadist terroror group as well as other perpetrators of violence, including military and SARS. The group, in a circular signed by its co-conveners, Abiodun Baiyewu – Teru and Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a renowned human rights defender, have started massive mobilisation across the country towards the event.
The group stated that the pandemic rise in violent conflicts across Nigeria in the past decade, has become
more pronounced in the past 5 years, and has resulted in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis that is
spiralling out of control.
“The trajectory of these killings have taken a pandemic turn since the first quarter of this year, with no visible sign of abatement.
For example, in spite of gross underreporting, in Benue State alone, between 2013 and 2016, official
reports have estimated that 1,878 persons were killed, 222 disappeared and 750 grievously wounded.
This number included 526 women, 200 (38%) of whom were pregnant, and another 231 (44%) nursing
mothers. In the first quarter of 2018, at least 600 persons have been killed in the same state. In January
and February of 2018, the Benue State Emergency Management Agency, BSEMA, recorded 169,922
internally displaced persons. The killings affected 12 of the 23 local government areas in the state. More
than 10% of the population of Benue State have been directly affected by this crisis. Other states in the
Middle-Belt region and around the Benue Valley: Plateau, Taraba, Nassarawa, Adamawa, Kwara,
Kaduna and Kogi have also been impacted by this crisis and have recorded a combined number of
casualties almost equal to that of Benue state in the first quarter of 2018”, said the group,
“In addition to the on-going violence in the North-East region, the skirmishes in the South-South and
South East regions, The North-West and South-West regions are also contending with violent killings,
and kidnappings. The spread shows that these crises affect every Nigerian and that their continued
impunity will bear consequences that we all will be impacted by if we fail to act. The response of
stakeholders to these spate of violence will either catalyse action to ameliorate them, or lead to further
fragmentation of our already shaky nationhood.

“While it might appear that Nigerians have become totally desensitized to these killings and that we treat
the casualties simply as numbers, most of us are in fact traumatized and engulfed by a sense of
helplessness. In our collective despair, never have we felt more divided and insecure. It behoves upon
us therefore to unite in our grief and demand for our government to act responsibly to address these
killings, and put a stop to the impunity that has caused the violence to thrive. Hence our call for a
national day of mourning and remembrance”.

The  proposed activities for the National Day of Mourning and Remembrance include

a. Mourning at Unity Fountain, Abuja: That as a sign of our collective mourning, that we
perform mourning ceremonies at Unity Fountain between 7am – 7pm on May 28th, 2018.

b. Humanitarian convoy: A humanitarian convoy will take off from Unity Fountain in Abuja to
Makurdi, Benue State, the current epicenter of the crises, as a sign of our collective solidarity
with the individuals and communities caught up in the various crises.

c. Flying flags at half – mast: We invite all corporate entities, and the government to fly their
flags at half-mast for the entire day.

d. Call Their Name ceremonies: On the morning of the National Day of Remembrance, citizens
across each crisis impacted state will gather before their government house, or capital city
center square to call out the names of persons who had died in the conflicts to respect them as
persons and not just numbers.

e. Observation of Silence: We invite all Nigerians to observe a minute of silence at noon on May
28th. Radio and TV stations will be encouraged to support this action and advocate for their
audiences to do the same.

f. Solemn Assemblies: We call on all markets and institutions, including schools, to hold solemn
assemblies at about 11:45 am on May 28, to observe a minute silence at noon

In my view, much of the criticism of Buhari by Nigerian secularists and believers in democracy, misses the key point. They see him as a president who is failing in his job as a democratic leader. In so doing, they proceed, in their complaints and criticism and hopes, from a radical misperception of Buhari, and in false expectation that their criticism will change him. Buhari is not a democrat come to fix Nigeria, play by the rules of the constitution, or entrench democracy. And no amount of criticism for failing at democracy will change him. So these critics are wasting their time.
If you still don’t understand that President Buhari is a Jihadist war leader waging war on Nigeria and its democracy, or if you don’t understand the Jihadist mentality and mission, then everything else you know about Buhari will only compound your confusion. So let’s try to see Buhari’s actions and inactions through the Jihadist lens.
Only when we understand that Buhari is A FULANI JIHADIST PRESIDENT OF THE FULANI REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, and that he is on Jihad against Nigeria and its democracy, will we understand that no amount of criticism from the democracy standpoint will have any effect on him. Can you imagine an armed robber stopping his robbery in mid-operation because of moral objections made by those he is robbing? Or a cat stopping its catching and eating of mice because of howls of objection from the mice?
As a Jihad leader, Buhari has come to destroy democracy, not to practice or protect it. He is not here to play by the rules of the fake constitution that the Caliphate installed as a stopgap until they could get a Jihadist to replace it with Sharia. Buhari is that Jihadist; and Buhari is here to impose Sharia on Nigeria. The only way to stop him and get democracy is to wage a Crusade and defeat him. A total crusade—political, economic, ideological, religious and military—is the only way to stop a Jihad.
Some claim Buhari is incompetent. But far from it; he is competent at what he is actually doing: waging Jihad. His seeming failure at democracy isn’t failure or incompetence at all. Can it be correctly said that someone is incompetent at what he is not doing or even trying to do, what he has chosen to not do? What’s actually happening is this: Buhari enters the boxing ring ostensibly for a boxing match. But once there, he turns into a Bruce Lee and engages in Kung Fu combat, and unleashes Kung Fu kicks, hand chops, grapples and other attacks. But his opponent, and the audience, don’t recognize what he is doing for what it is. So they claim he is not a good boxer, and even that he is an incompetent boxer. And they are hoping to get the referee to stop him. But there is no referee. Not realizing what’s going on, his opponent is helpless, and can’t or won’t defend himself appropriately, by also abandoning the rules of boxing and picking up the stool in the corner of the ring and smashing it on Buhari’s nose to force him to stop his Kung Fu combat. In other words, the non-Jihadists and anti-Jihadists should abandon the rules of democracy and launch a crusade to stop Buhari’s Jihad
SOURCE, FACEBOOK has demanded the resignation of Buhari for his inability to protect Nigeriansagainst attacks by terrorists, notably, boko haram and Fulani herdsmen. Buhari has been severally accused of aiding and abetting the terrorists. He does not hesitate to defend them at every opportunity, and to justify their violent actions. Buhari, has been accused of using the terrorists to advance Islamic warfare known as jihad in Nigeria.
Below is the list:
• January 1 – 73 killed in Logo and Guma LGAs in Benue
• January 1 – 25 killed in ONELGA, Rivers
• January 1 – 2 killed in Awe LGA, Nasarawa
• January 1 – 25 Killed in Keana LGA, Nasarawa
• January 3 – 3 killed in Markurdi, Benue State
• January 4 – 6 killed in Wukari in Taraba
• January 4 – 1 killed in Gassol LGA, Taraba
• January 5 – 4 Killed in Lau LGA, Taraba
• January 5 – 15 killed in Tse Akombo, Tse Vii and Tse Agule vilages in Benue
• January 6 – 55 killed in Lau LGA in Taraba State
• January 8 – 3 killed in Sardauna LGA, Taraba
• January 8 – Two policemen killed in Logo, Benue State
• January 13 – 10 killed in Birnin Gwari LGA, Kaduna
• January 13 – 1 killed in Makurdi LGA, Benue
• January 14 – 1 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
• January 14 – 1 killed in Ibi LGA, Taraba
• January 16 – 5 killed in Madagali LGA, Adamawa
• January 16 – 5 killed in Guma, Logo and Okpokwu LGAs Benue
• January 18 – 11 killed in Madagali LGA, Adamawa
• January 21 – 1 killed in Barkin Ladi LGA, Plateau
• January 21 – 6 killed in Juman LGA, Adamawa
• January 21 - 2 killed in Aniocha North, Delta
• January 22 - 6 killed, 2 kids abducted in Maradun, Zamfara
• January 23 – 9 killed in Ardo Kola, Adamawa
• January 24 – 4 killed in Kaiama, Kwara
• January 25 – 15 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
• January 26 – 3 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
• January 26 – 2 killed in Ukum, Benue
• January 26 - 3 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• January 29 – 1 killed in Guma, Benue
• January 31 – 1 killed in Jema’a LGA, Kaduna
• January 31 –9 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
• February 1 – 4 killed in Gassol, Taraba
• February 2 –10 killed in Song, Adamawa
• February 5 – 2 killed in Guma, Benue
• February 6 – 8 killed in Obi, Nasarawa
• February 8 – 6 killed in Shellen, Adamawa
• February 10 – 2 killed in Benue
• February 10 – 3 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• February 11 – 4 killed in Jema’a, Kaduna
• February 12 – 2 killed in Guma, Benue
• February 15 - 41 killed in Zurmi LGA, Zamfara
• February 26 – 12 killed in Kajuru, Kaduna
• February 26: 2 soldiers killed, 6 missing in Damboa, Borno
• February 27 – 20 killed in Demsa, Adamawa
• March 1 – 15 killed in Saradauna, Taraba
• March 1 - 4 police, 4 soldiers, and 4 aid workers killed in Kala/Balge, Borno
• March 4 – 20 killed in Saradauna, Taraba
• March 5 – 25 killed in Okpokwu, Benue
• March 7 – 2 killed in Takum, Taraba
• March 8 – 11 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• March 9 – 9 killed in Bokkos, Plateau
• March 12 – 26 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• March 13 – 7 killed in Guma, Benue
• March 13 – 1 killed in Lokoja, Kogi
• March 14 – 32 killed in Daima/Omala, Kogi
• March 14 – 6 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• March 15 – 5 killed in Takum, Taraba
• March 19 –10 killed in Omala, Kogi
• March 20 – 11 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
• March 22 – 3 killed in Jos South, Plateau
• March 24 – 5 killed in Makurdi, Benue
• March 25 - 2 killed in Agatu, Benue
• March 25: 2 killed in Guma, Benue
• March 28 - 60 killed in Bawon-Danji, Zamfara
• March 29 - 6 killed in Jema'a, Kaduna
• March 30 – 6 killed in Jema’a, Kaduna
• March 30 - 32 killed in Anka LGA, Zamfara
• April 4 – 6 killed in Chikun, Kaduna
• April 4 – 4 killed in Takum, Taraba
• April 4 – 10 killed in Gwer West, Benue
• April 5 – 5 killed in Dobga, Taraba
• April 5 – 30 killed in Gwer West, Benue
• April 5 – 50 killed in Offa, Kwara*
• April 7 – 4 killed in Bali, Taraba
• April 7 – 2 killed in Agatu, Benue
• April 8 – 5 killed in Birkin Ladi, Plateau State
• April 8 – 5 murdered in Obi, Nasarawa
• April 8 – 4 killed in Keana, Nasarawa
• April 9 – 1 killed in Guma, Benue
• April 10 – 10 murdered in Benue
• April 10 – 51 killed in Wukari, Taraba
• April 12 – 2 killed in Markudi, Benue
• April 12 – 2 murdered in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
• April 13 – 5 killed in Bassa, Kogi
• April 13 - 26 killed in Kuru Kuru, Zamfara
• April 14 – 4 killed in Logo, Benue
• April 14 – 78 murdered in Obi, Nasarawa
• April 17 – 1 killed in Logo, Benue
• April 18 – 4 killed in Bassa, Plateau
• April 19 – 1 killed in Kutigi, Niger
• April 19 - 30 killed in Maru LGA, Zamfara
• April 19 – 1 killed in Gwer West, Benue
• April 20 – 31 killed in Guma, Benue
• April 25 – 19 killed in Gwer East, Benue
• April 25 – 38 killed in Guma, Benue
• April 25 – 7 killed in Awe, Nassarawa
• April 28 – 14 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
• April 29 – 5 killed in Gwer West, Benue
• April 28: Bandits killed fourteen miners in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna.
• April 28 – 8 killed in Gwer West, Benue
• May 1 – 84 killed in Mubi South, Adamawa
• May 1 – 6 killed in Guma, Benue
• May 2 – 10 killed in Konduga, Borno
• May 2 – 13 killed in Maru, Zamfara
• May 3 – 15 killed in Numan and Lamurde LGAs in Adamawa
• May 3 - 13 killed in Zamfara
• May 4 – 3 killed in Konduga, Borno
• is highly extolled for helping Civilian JTF defend Borno
We provide this manual to help all Nigerian masses
•PROTEST for the Nigerian govt. to redeploy the 80% police currently assigned as bodyguards for the wealthy cabal to #ProtectUs masses
•KNOW: Nigeria's Criminal Code Act (Chapter 77) Part 5, subsection 25:286 Authorizes self-defense from terrorists
•Form organised self-defense vigilante groups
•NEVER Initiate Attacks On Innocent Citizens
•COLLABORATE: Share contact numbers to alert group members on incoming attacks
•Get walkie-talkies if you can
•ALERT: Create citizen alert systems to alert the populace by phone messaging and loud sounds
•LOOK OUT: Have volunteers on rotation at look-out posts
•BEAR ARMS: Mobilize self-defense weapons within legal limits even as little as catapults and bow and arrows
•OVERPOWER terrorists, seize their weapons & use them against them
•EXPOSE movement & hideouts of terrorists on the social media
•Whenever you apprehend suspects, NEVER HARM THEM, take their pictures and post on twitter #ProtectMe and send to us @CabalMustGo then hand them over to the authorities
Signed: Dr. Perry Brimah; @EveryNigerian

It was like a war movie at the Port Harcourt high court premises on Friday, 20 April 2018 as Rotimi Amaechi’s faction of APC thugs, guarded by the notorious Special Anti-Robbery Squad, SARS invaded the premises of the rivers state high court in a gestapo-raid style. The invaders stormed the court premises as early as 6 AM and locked up the gates to the premises to ensure courts did not sit on that day. Chanting war songs, they shot sporadically  into the air, attacked people and vandalised cars parked both within and around the court premises. For several hours, they had a field day, shooting and looting, while other security operatives looked on.
The APC thugs and Police damaged several courtrooms, ransacked the  court library , destroyed vehicles  and looted shops .  Hundreds of expended bullets littered the High Court Complex.
 Governor Wike said it is unfortunate that the Nigeria Police connived with leaders of the APC to close the courts and stop it from dispensing justice to Rivers  people.
He said: "This is very unfortunate.  Do not trivialize this invasion by saying it is just an attack by the APC on the judiciary.  This is a complete coup by the Nigerian Police and the APC to overthrow the Rivers State Government.
"We have said it before and we have been vindicated by this callous joint invasion of the Rivers State Judiciary".
He regretted that the Rivers State Police Commissioner decided to copy the Inspector General of Police in the exhibition of recklessness and lawlessness against an arm of Government carrying out its lawful duty.
"We cannot continue  to rely on the police to defend us. We must all stand up to defend democracy.  What has happened is a sign of what APC and Police have planned.
"APC Federal Government is not prepared for  election.  Therefore, they want to truncate the nation's democracy.  They are fomenting trouble to create an avenue  for the military to take over.
Governor Wike noted that it was the immediate past Rivers State Governor, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi who plotted the attack on the Judiciary on Thursday on behalf of the Federal Government , pointing out that the plot was executed by a Former Local Government Chairman already standing
trial for serial murder.


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